Inductees for the Montana Cowboy Hall of Fame Class of 2026, according to the Northern Ag Network are:

District 1 (Daniels, Phillips, Roosevelt, Sheridan, & Valley Counties): Living: Betty Lorraine (Blair) Steele of Malta; Legacy: William C. “Billy” Knorr of Wolf Point.

District 2 (Dawson, Garfield, McCone, Prairie, Richland, & Wibaux Counties): Living: Judd Twitchell of Jordan; Legacy: Jordan Matched Bronc Ride of Jordan.

District 3 (Carter, Custer, Fallon, Powder River, Rosebud, & Treasure Counties): Living: Thomas Ray “Tom” Larsen of Alzada; Legacy: George Albert Pitman of Lame Deer.

District 4 (Blaine, Chouteau, Hill, & Liberty Counties): Living: Ervin George Watson of Box Elder; Legacy: Edmond C. “Ed” Solomon of Havre.

District 5 (Cascade, Glacier, Pondera, Teton, & Toole Counties): Living: Charlotte (Johnson) Barry of Cut Bank; Legacy: Walter “Blackie” Wetzel (Siks-A-Num) of Browning.

District 6 (Fergus, Golden Valley, Judith Basin, Musselshell, Petroleum, & Wheatland Counties): Living: Gerald R. “Jerry” Petersen of Lewistown; Legacy: Charlie Russell Chew Choo of Lewistown.

District 7  (Big Horn, Carbon, Stillwater, Sweet Grass, & Yellowstone Counties): Living: John Will Small of Busby; Legacy: Paul L. “Spike” Van Cleve III of Big Timber.

District 8 (Broadwater, Jefferson, & Lewis and Clark Counties): Living: Ron Mills of Augusta; Legacy: Edward F. Lamb & George W. Lamb of Helena.

District 9 (Gallatin, Meagher, & Park Counties): Living: Jock & Jamie Doggett of White Sulphur Springs; Legacy: Brainard Ranch of Belgrade.

District 10 (Flathead, Lake, Lincoln, & Sanders Counties): Living: T. E. “Buddy” Westphal of Polson; Legacy: Majestic Valley Arena of Kalispell.

District 11: (Mineral, Missoula, & Ravalli Counties): Living: George Gogas of Missoula (Mr. Gogas passed away after being nominated as a Living Inductee and will be honored as such); Legacy: Marvin F. Bell of Hamilton.

District 12: (Deer Lodge, Beaverhead, Silver Bow, Granite, Madison, & Powell Counties): Living: William F. “Bill” Murphy of Garrison; Legacy: Montana Mad Hatters of Twin Bridges.

The Montana Cowboy Hall of Fame will celebrate the 18th class of inductions into the Montana Cowboy Hall of Fame Saturday, February 14, at the Heritage Inn in Great Falls.

Montana’s experience with no speed limits was cited as evidence to implement speed restrictions in Arizona. Center Square reported that the Arizona state legislator, proposing lifting daytime speed restrictions on rural interstate highways claimed that in the mid-1990s when Montana instituted no-speed zones for a few years, officials found two to three times fewer fatalities per vehicle mile traveled than in speed zones. Prior to 1974, Montana had a speed limit of “reasonable and prudent.” That went away for 20 years when a national 55 mph speed limit was enforced. When the national limit was eliminated, Montana went back to the “reasonable and prudent” speed limit in 1995. In 1999, Montana instituted a 75-mph speed limit. Since that time, highway fatalities have increased in Montana. Germany, which has had no speed zones on the Autobahn for 90 years, have had the same experience as Montana under its “reasonable and prudent” restriction, claimed the legislator, Rep. Nick Kupper.

By Madi Clark

Mountain States Policy Center

Farmers across the nation are unlikely to be taking a check to the bank at the end of harvest – at least not checks big enough to cover their debt payments. But the government’s so-called remedies are a lesson in contradiction.

As statistics refute themselves, regulations harm more than protect, and trade barriers exasperate challenges facing domestic producers, the government’s role in farming is only adding to the red.

Government data ineptly grasps the financial condition facing farmers. On one hand, the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) predicts farm income will increase by 21.65 percent for 2025. But at the same time, direct government payments are expected to increase by 354 percent! 

The government is confused by its own statistics and tactics. Despite improved net farm income, federal direct farm support is increasing while farms are dwindling. In all but Idaho, the mountain states exceed the national loss of 8.5% of farms between 2016 and 2024. Data clearly indicates that the numbers and/or tactics are overdrawn.

The only clarification comes for Midwestern farmers. According to the Federal Reserve of Kansas City, midwestern farm lending activity expanded in 2024, with volume of new loans increasing 40% year-over-year. The story hasn’t brightened in the first quarter of 2025, with weakening agricultural credit conditions, while demand for farm loans continues to grow.

Unfortunately for Western farmers, the Federal Reserve of San Francisco only delivers a one-paragraph qualitative summary alluding to the assumptions of industry contacts. But local voices reiterate that the situation isn’t any better for the mountain states.

Fred Burmester, an Idaho hay farmer, said, “It was a really bad year last year. The commodity prices dropped a lot for us… and our production costs were close to the same.” Regarding an operating loan at 9.2 percent that Burmester took out, he said, “It’s going to take years to pay that back.”

State promulgated regulations also add to this financial difficulty for the mountain state region. In 2022, Washington experienced a 40% increase in farm-related expenses, thanks to the removal of the ag overtime exemption. 29.8% of these costs were attributed to an escalation in labor expenses, which had increased by 52% year-over-year. Another major contributor (10%) was expenses attributed to “marketing, storage, and transportation”, due to the carbon tax.

Tariffs exploit another vulnerability of the mountain states because of our reliance on imported agricultural inputs (like fertilizer) and the global retaliation toward American products. Idaho, Montana, Washington and Wyoming ship their agricultural products across the world, and these markets are not easily reclaimed. 

The second Trump Administration’s renewed trade war bounced the check on America’s farm resilience. These recent trade disputes revealed long-existing weaknesses in the agricultural economy. Long-term consolidation and anti-competitive trends among agricultural input suppliers have steadily pinched the agricultural economy. Now, in the face of tighter supply chains and global trade wars, the vulnerability of a low-competition system is apparent.

When 70% of each market space is controlled by 2-3 suppliers, the companies have less economic incentive to be responsive to one farmer’s needs. A recent Senate Judiciary Committee Hearing even listened to testimony on these trends. Senator Grassley (R-IA, Chairman) said, “America’s farmers are the most productive in the world. They take the risk, put in the work and feed the United States and much of the world. But they also operate on thin profit margins.” 

These thin profit margins are quickly giving way to overdrawn farm accounts, despite the USDA’s estimates that the average net farm income was above $80,000 in 2024. For anyone involved in agriculture in the last five years, very few “average” farmers deposited such sums in their bank accounts. Nor is a recovery expected in 2025, with a record corn harvest overflowing the silos and continuing the price decline. 

Yet, the government’s efforts for recovery are more like a teenager with a credit card, rather than a responsible party paying down the debt. Poor data collection outside of midwestern farms, increases in state regulations, disregard for anti-competitive behavior, and resumed trade disputes all continue to hurt farm margins.

We need policies that improve resiliency and decrease farmer vulnerability to government choices.   

Madi Clark is a Senior Policy Analyst for the Mountain States Policy Center, an independent research organization based in Idaho, Montana, Eastern Washington and Wyoming. Online at mountainstatespolicy.org.

By Morgan Sweeney, The Center Square

December’s jobs data changed little from November, rounding out an underwhelming year for the U.S. labor market. 

Initial estimates put job gains at 50,000, though if December is like every other month this year, that number will be revised downward in the coming months. 

By comparison, last December saw an increase roughly 6.5 times greater, with 323,000 jobs added from the previous month. Payrolls rose by an estimated 269,000 from November to December 2023, while pre-pandemic December 2019 posted nonfarm employment growth of 127,000 jobs.

Bruce Yandle, an adjunct fellow at George Mason University’s market-oriented Mercatus Center, described it as “ho-hum.”

“We have about the same level of total employment here in December as we had in January, when the year was starting. And so in a sense, when you look at the report and stare at it… it looks like the world is flat,” Yandle told The Center Square.

The year started off stronger than it finished, with monthly job creation exceeding 100,000 January through April. But May added fewer than 20,000 jobs, and payrolls shrunk by 13,000 from May to June. The rest of the year was inconsistent — modest gains mixed with outright losses.

The latest Job Openings and Labor Turnover Survey provided a sobering glimpse into the realities of the current job market, according to Dave Hebert, a senior research fellow at the American Institute for Economic Research. The JOLTS report reflected a low-hire, low-fire market.

“We’ve been told that a lot of new jobs are going to be coming,” Hebert said. “The claim was that by Q4 of 2025, the economy would be humming.”

GDP growth did accelerate, however, from 3.8% to 4.3% in the third quarter, though fourth quarter growth has yet to be released. But GDP growth is of limited practical value if it doesn’t translate into more jobs.

“We don’t eat GDP growth rates. People work,” Hebert said. 

A cooling labor market and strong economic growth might seem incongruous, but Yandle pointed to third-quarter productivity gains of 4.9% as an explanation. 

“We’ve had zero growth in employment for a year, and we’ve had 4.9% growth in productivity. Zero plus 4.9 is 4.9,” Yandle said.

Yandle and others, including Stanford University economics professor Nicholas Bloom, have said the productivity gains without corresponding labor growth can likely be attributed in part to the proliferation of artificial intelligence. Otherwise, many economists believe the economic uncertainty caused by the continually shifting tariff policy is stifling the labor market. 

Though unemployment has remained relatively low, finishing 2025 at 4.4%, job growth has remained subdued.

“We’re just not seeing that job growth that I think everyone wants,” Hebert said.

Holy Moly Smoke Shop, 821 N 27th St #107, (406) 591-7708, Jennings, Nicholas, Retail Sales J

Jones LLC, 3216 Parkhill Dr, (406) 860-5760, Jones, David/Kelly, Real Estate Rental

Rockrim Rentals, 2916 1/2 Rockrim Ln, (406) 697-8915, Olden, Justin, Real Estate Rental

Cozy Cubz, 417 Hansen Ln Ste #2, (406) 281-0511, Sullivan, Gail, Service

A Honeybzz Haven, 417 Hansen Ln Ste #1, (406) 281-0511, Sullivan, Gail, Service

Off The Roof Gutters and Guards, 631 Custer Ave, (406) 647-4600, Zeiler, Jacob, Service

D.C. Cleaning & Janitorial, 922 Yellowstone River Rd F1, (406) 696-4317, Christie, Dennis, Service

Danny’s Cleaning Service, 421 St John’s Ave, (406) 690-8755, Morrow, Danny, Service

Trailhead Electric, 818 Noblewood Dr, (406) 969-7688, Pantoja, Pantoja, Ereth, John, Antonio, Tristan, Electrical Contractors

Autosport Billings, LLC, 3029 E Copper Ridge Loop, (631) 681-7116, Nejelski, Allen, Service

Bon Appetit, 300 S 24th St W, (571) 320-0049, De Armas, Yanick, Restaurants, 115 Shiloh Rd Suite 2-201

Yellowstone Mushrooms, 7447 Clark Ave, (406) 697-7171, Parker, Andy, Retail Sales, 3242 Durland Dr

NC Movement, 821 N 27th St #107, (406) 591-7708, Jennings, Nicholas, Service

Kelli Hansen Fine Art, 102 N 29th St, (402) 813-0479, Hansen, Kelli, Retail Sales, 3448 Arlene Cir. Apt 1

Best Crowd Management Inc, 308 6th Ave N, (651) 400-7040, Kelly, Anthony, Service, 1699 S Hanley Rd Ste 350, Saint Louis, MO, 63144

The Classy Cowgirl Trading Company, 1167 Hemingway Ave, (406) 696-6588, Jefferson Flores, Vinnett, Retail Sales

Big Sky Fire Protection Systems, 818 Ginger Ave, (406) 672-9695, Tate, Steven, Service

CK Construction & Services Corp, 619 N 2000 W, (801) 731-0717, Checketts, Rob, Service, Ogden, UT, 84404

Montana Maid: Cleaning and Home Services, 5711 Bobby Jones Blvd, (406) 925-0867, Cullen, Kjatlynn, Service

Bens Lawn Care and Snow Removal, 521 Judith Ln, (406) 598-1233, Benjamyn, Herbst, Service

406 IT Solutions, 1607 17th St W #308, (406) 690-4958, Dahlberg, Tucker, Service

Three Feathers Construction, 2023 Fairway Dr, (406) 465-8807, O’Mara, Steve, General Contractors

Atom’s Awesome Anytime Movers, 416 Gay Pl, (406) 717-9778, Price, Adam, Service

406 Glass & Vape (24th St W), 455 S 24th St W, (406) 598-4527, Gerbasi, Marco, Retail Sales, 3705 Montana Ave

406 Glass & Vape (King Ave W),   3130 King Ave W, (406) 647-4439, Gerbasi, Marco, Retail Sales, 3705 Montana Ave,

406 Glass & Vape, 3705 Montana Ave, (406) 647-8389, Gerbasi, Marco, Retail Sales, 3705 Montana Ave. 59101

406 Hockey, 715 Commerce Way, Picicci, Chandra, Retail Sales, 4319 Trotter Ln

Narrow the Road, 3819 Clint Rd, (406) 850-9403, Lawson, Chase, Retail Sales

Duke’s Tree Service, 619 East Main St, (406) 439-1355,  Duke, Chad & Mia, Service, East Helena, 59635, PO Box 110, East Helena, 59635

RZ WC LLC, 4415 March Madness Way #4, (406) 849-8340, Child, Warren, Service

Classy & Sassy Coffee & Fizz Factory LLC, 320 Main St, (406) 370-1752, Dennison, Cassandra, Restaurants, PO Box 51299

Cupbop, 2564 King Ave W Ste A, Layton, Bryan, Restaurants, 6515 Donny Dr

Magic City Greenworks LLC, 12 Monroe St, (406) 672-2226, Coates, Kristopher, Service

Classy & Sassy Coffee LLC (2112 4th Ave N), 2112 4th Ave N, (406) 370-1752, Dennison, Cassandra, Restaurants, PO Box 51299

Cmofo LLC, 1009 Harvard Ave, (406) 672-7751, Groshelle/Ramirez, Jennie/Krista, Real Estate Rental, 8 Amity Lane, Park City, 59063

Autopilot Management Group Inc, 3635 Harvest Time Ln, (205) 519-3604, Estrada, Levi, Real Estate Rental, 17 20th St N Ste 100, Birmingham, AL, 35203

Ohana Ceramics LLC, 1474 S 30th St W Unit 6, (971) 348-9891, Acoba, Max, Service

406 Pure Clean, LLC, 127 J B Stetson St, (406) 702-5653, Badillo, Simon/Arielle, Service

Surestay Plus By Best Western Billings, 3040 King Ave W, (406) 294-9090, Quach, Minh, Hotel & Motels

Jon And Company Builders LLC, 620 Broadwater Ave, (406) 697-1649, Hagstrom, Jon, General Contractors

Brandtson Wayne Reeves Construction LLC, 1025 Avenue F, (406) 694-8853, Reeves, Brandtson, General Contractors

Pacific Decorative Concrete Inc, 5421 Stationers Way, (916) 349-1200, Stratton (President), David, General Contractors, Antelope, CA, 95842

Commonwealth Medical Services LLC, 1101 N 27th St, (859) 286-2592, Marshall (General Counsel), David, Service, 1517 Nicholasville Rd, Ste 201, Lexington, KY, 40503

Second Nature Consulting, 2322 3rd Ave N Ste 230, (406) 647-0205, Sweet, Erik J, Service

Allison Taranto, 28 Avenue B, (406) 942-0415, Taranto, Allison, Real Estate Rental, 5519 County Rd 32, Norwich, NY, 13815

Kernow Inc dba Billings Construction Supply, 5514 King Ave E, (406) 248-8355, Eaves, Lillian, Retail Sales

M6 Liquidation Company, 5234 Sacagawea Dr, (406) 623-0740, Sanderson, Peter B, Retail Sales

Rescue Towing LLC, 430 S Billings Blvd Ste 2, (406) 294-0085, Hanser, Ralph, Service

Quality Towing LLC, 430 S Billings Blvd Ste 3, (406) 294-0105, Hanser, Ralph, Service

Highlander Handyman LLC, PO Box 25, (406) 839-7264, Plubell, Kevin, Service, Ballantine

Aspen Ledger Co LLC, 4822 Chicago Rd, (406) 606-2376, Kolstad, April, Service

Monster Demo LLC, 419 Robertson Rd, (406) 855-5831, Hively, Jarrett, General Contractors

Crownmane, 3025 Gloxinia Dr, (406) 671-7453, Matt, Cavey, General Contractors

Montana Tool Corporation, 3045 Lake Elmo Dr, (406) 670-4244, Youree, Trenton, Retail Sales, 59105

SB Friedman Development Advisors LLC, 70 W Madison St Ste 3700, (312) 424-4250, Dorn, Lance, Service, Chicago, IL, 60602

Denmark first took possession of the large, ice-covered island in the northern Atlantic in the 1700s. The local population is a mix of native Inuit, Norwegians (from the medieval era), and Danes, though the population is only 56,000. The US has seen the defensive and economic potential of the island for over 150 years. (1440.com)

By Amber Gunn

Mountain States Policy Center

For most families, owning a hotel is a fantasy. But owning a single rental property is the ground floor of a bigger dream—a way to fund college tuition or seed a future business through sweat equity and a spare key. For those who can’t afford the overhead of a traditional business, short-term rentals (STRs) are one of the most accessible paths to move beyond a paycheck-to-paycheck existence.

Beyond providing a platform for growth, these rentals serve as a critical safety net for many owners. According to Airbnb, 43 percent of hosts use their earnings to stay in their homes, while 11 percent say the income helped them avoid eviction or foreclosure. Yet, as cities move to ban or cap STRs, they are not just limiting tourism; they are criminalizing the small-scale ambition that allows ordinary people to build financial independence.

STRs have become a useful villain for politicians seeking a scapegoat for the lack of affordable housing. In city council chambers across the country, the narrative is identical: ban short-term rentals and housing affordability will follow.

It’s a comforting story for a frustrated public. It’s also wrong.

In our upcoming study, Short Term Rental Regulations: Principles, Pitfalls, and Practical Reforms, we examine the consequences of turning our backs on the first principles of property ownership. A presumption in favor of peaceful property use is not a mere policy preference; it is the starting point of legitimate governance in a free society. When we abandon this—forgetting that a home is a private asset rather than a tool of the state—we create a vacuum filled by elitism and administrative whim.

STR bans act as a significant barrier to housing market entry, effectively shrinking the buyer pool to high-net-worth individuals. Before a ban, a middle-income family could sometimes afford a mountain or lake house by offsetting the mortgage with rental income. When that business model is outlawed, the buyer disappears and the ladder to wealth-building is kicked away.

The data consistently proves that STR crackdowns fail to solve the structural housing shortages they purport to fix. In New York City, a near-total ban eliminated 90 percent of available listings, yet citywide rents continued climbing to record highs—reaching nearly $4,700 for a one-bedroom apartment while vacancy rates remained at a critical 1 percent. If anything, affordability worsened.

The ban also had the unintended consequence of shifting tourism dollars away from local businesses in dispersed neighborhoods, instead funneling revenue toward centralized hotel chains. An analysis by Charles River Associates found that NYC’s restrictions resulted in $638 million in lost guest spending, while hotels benefited from a nearly 15 percent boost in nightly rates.

This isn’t just an American phenomenon. A 2024 Ernst & Young review in the U.K. found that over 95 percent of housing cost increases are driven by broad economic factors and supply constraints, with STRs accounting for mere pennies on the dollar. Similarly, when Los Angeles County slashed its listings by half, home prices fell by a negligible two percent.

While politicians fixate on STRs, they ignore the staggering cost burden of their own bureaucracy. A 2021 study by the National Association of Home Builders found that government regulation accounts for 23.8 percent of the final price of a new single-family home—a hidden tax averaging nearly $94,000 per house.

Restrictive zoning and regulatory overreach have made it nearly impossible to build enough homes to meet demand. Short-term rentals represent a fraction of the housing stock, yet they receive most of the blame. It is much easier to ban a vacation rental and claim victory than it is to unwind decades of spectacular housing policy failures.  

None of this is an argument for “regulatory anarchy.” Local governments have a clear role in managing noise, safety, and trash. But as our research outlines, the solution is targeted enforcement and market-based solutions, not blanket prohibition. A serious policy framework begins with a presumption in favor of property rights. It rejects arbitrary caps that create artificial scarcity and instead focuses on clear, standardized rules that address actual harm rather than speculative fear.

To that end, states should adopt narrowly-tailored, uniform rules focused on essential protections—accurate tax remittance and objective safety standards—while prohibiting municipalities from using STR bans or licensing regimes as indiscriminate substitutes for enforcing existing nuisance laws.

History is rarely kind to policies that treat property rights as expendable. Housing affordability will not be achieved by suffocating peaceful uses of private property, but by expanding supply and allowing markets to respond to demand.

A disciplined, property rights-centered STR framework helps move policy back toward that goal—strengthening opportunity for homeowners and keeping government aligned with its proper role in a free society.

Jay Graves recently joined Stockman Bank as VP, Branch Manager for the Grand Avenue location in Billings. His responsibilities include overseeing bank operations, management and employee supervision, and all lending activities.

Graves brings 20 years of banking experience to the position, which includes commercial and agricultural lending and business development. His extensive knowledge will be an asset to Stockman Bank and the Billings community.

Graves earned his Bachelor of Science degree in Business Administration with an emphasis in finance and economics from Montana State University Billings. He is active in the community serving as a member of the Rotary Club, Exchange Club, and is a volunteer for the Big Sky State Games.

By Diogo Costa, President

Foundation for Economic Education.

. . . New York mayor Zohran Mamdani used his inaugural address to promise he would replace the “frigidity of rugged individualism” with the “warmth of collectivism.” It is a clever bit of rhetoric. Mamdani himself seems like a nice and warm person. And the imagery works. To be “cold” is to be isolated, shivering and alone. To be “warm” is to be embraced, held, and safe. Collectivism here appears as this kind of coming in from the cold, a fire around which we gather, a blanket that covers us all. 

Anyone watching the AppleTV show Pluribus might recognize something in Mamdani’s promise. The series imagines an alien hive mind which has absorbed almost all of humanity. What makes it terrifying is that the hive is warm and nice. Those who join it seem content. Blissful, even. The collective embraces you. You are never alone.

But something in us recoils when we watch that. There’s a difference between voluntarily joining a community and being absorbed by one. We want to belong somewhere, but we also want to remain someone. At what point does “warmth” become a fever? We want the freedom to control our own thermal state. Sometimes we don’t want to be warm. Sometimes we want to step outside, feel the cold, and return when we choose..

What individualism actually names is not self-isolationism, but self-possession, and the capacity to be somewhere and still be yourself.

In The Abolition of Man, C.S. Lewis described a society that had traded objective moral reasoning for something softer, what we might call niceness, or agreeableness, or simply going along with the group. Such a society, Lewis warned, would produce “men without chests”: people with appetites below and intellects above, but no trained moral instinct to connect them. Just calculations about what the group wants and how to stay in its good graces.

The warm collective doesn’t ask you to be brave and it doesn’t reward those who stand for something. It requires you to be agreeable. And eventually, Lewis predicted, a society that educates this kind of person will be ruled by “Conditioners”: warm tyrants, benevolent managers. When everything becomes negotiable, including human dignity itself, someone will do the negotiating.

The young are especially susceptible to this. They’re caught between two powerful forces: a genuine desire to be their own person and a desperate hunger to belong. No matter the generation, young people often think of themselves as individualists. They reject their parents’ values, question authority, cultivate an aesthetic of independence. But scratch the surface and you find a tribal engine running at full speed. 

This is a kind of false individualism, not in the strict Hayekian sense, but in the young one. Think of the vibe of independence, the posture of not caring, the costume of rebellion. It directs its skepticism only at the people who have always offered support (family or traditional values) while remaining defenseless against peer conditioning. It says “I don’t need your approval” to parents while desperately seeking approval from strangers online.

False individualism has no immune system against the warm collective. It’s more concerned with managing reputation than building character. When the social weather shifts, it shifts with it.

True Individualism, in this sense, is the capacity to stand somewhere even when there is a massive social cost. It requires that “trained chest” Lewis wrote about: courage, honesty, and a commitment to standards that exist outside of vibes.

When we hear Mamdani’s socialist discourse, the initial temptation is to answer him with better arguments. And we should make better arguments. The case for economic freedom, voluntary cooperation, and limited government is stronger than the case for collectivism, which, as in Mamdani’s version, must always hide its costs and exaggerate its benefits.

But better arguments aren’t enough. If the only problem were ignorance, we’d win debates and then win people. But we can win the argument and lose the person. We can be right and still be dismissed.

Because the person we’re talking to isn’t just reasoning through the argument. They’re managing their social position. They’re calculating what it will cost them to agree with us. In 2026, many young people get that free markets work or that individual liberty is what made America the most successful nation in human history. But they also know that saying so might result in “social death.”

This means that defending freedom requires more than white papers and op-eds. It requires forming people who can carry freedom forward. People whose instinct isn’t to check what’s popular before deciding what’s true. People who have practiced the discipline of saying what they think even when it’s unpopular. And who know from experience, that you can survive social disapproval and come out the other side.

This is the cultivation of a trained chest. The development of what Leonard Read called high moral character: the habits that let you do the right thing when doing the right thing is hard.

FEE has never been embarrassed about this. Consider Leonard Read or Henry Hazlitt or any of the great figures in our tradition and you’ll find the moral language of character and the dignity of peaceful cooperation. That there is something dignified about a person who takes responsibility for their own life, and something degrading about a system that treats people as instruments of collective ends.

The collectivist version isn’t actually warm. It’s a simulation of warmth. It provides the feeling of belonging without the substance. As in Pluribus, you’re embraced, but you’re also trapped. The group accepts you only so long as you accept its terms, and those terms include not being too much yourself.

Real warmth comes from genuine relationships with people who know you as an individual. People who love you as you are, not as a member of a category or an identity. Real warmth requires boundaries, because without boundaries there are no individuals, and without individuals there’s nothing to connect.

In recent years, 22 percent of the employed have reported holding a government-issued license, in professions ranging from physical therapy to cosmetology to public school teaching. Because occupational licenses can be costly in time and money to obtain, licensure matters for how the labor market performs and who can access economic opportunity, stated a recent report from the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis.

Montana is second, only to Maine, in having the most licensed occupations. Maine licenses 28.5 percent of their professions and Montana 28 percent, with 154,100 licensed workers in 2024. The national average is 21 percent.

Occupational licensure, both the share of workers who have a license and the number of licensed occupations appear to have stabilized in recent years, after several decades of growth.

By one estimate, the share of workers who were licensed in the 1950s was only about 5 percent. At the time, most people worked jobs that tended to be unlicensed: almost half of the employed were working in agriculture, mining, construction, or manufacturing. In the decades that followed, the share of licensed workers rose to 22 percent, and it’s stayed roughly at that level in recent years (2016-2025). The rise in the share of licensed workers was driven by two factors: occupations became newly licensed in many states, and employment shifted toward the service sector.

When deciding whether to license an occupation, states appear to be looking to each other: the decisions of adjacent states and a few bellwethers like California, New York, and Texas all have predictive power for when a given state licenses an occupation. Professional associations also matter. Once an association is organized in a state, licensure or other forms of regulation become dramatically more likely.

When the tasks in an occupation become more complex, the existence of professional associations themselves may become more likely. Another factor is whether an occupation is exposed to competition from immigrants. Prior work by Minneapolis Fed researchers found that licensing disproportionately reduces employment of foreign-born workers.

Regardless of the reason for the enactment of occupational licensure, one pattern in the data stands out: delicensure is rare. An occupation that started out licensed in any given year from 1950 to 2020 remained licensed 99.9 percent of the time in the next year.

Throughout the second half of the twentieth century and into the 2000s, the share of occupations that transitioned into licensure kept rising, to a high of 3.6 percent in 2001–2010.

Many occupations are currently licensed in some but not all states. The Federal Reserve publication concluded, low- and moderate-income workers bear a particular burden to the extent that the costs of licensing fees and delayed employment are large relative to their incomes. In turn, this burden deters interstate migration by licensed workers and can impair the efficient functioning of U.S. labor markets.

To address some of these issues, roughly 20 states have enacted universal licensure recognition (ULR) reforms with the intent of making it easier for licensed professionals to move among states and continue to work. Using data from the Montana Department of Labor & Industry, researchers volume of licensing in Montana pre- and post-ULR adoption and describe the challenges licensing boards face as they adjust their practices to comply with the new policy.”

In recent decades, some licensing authorities have attempted to reduce interstate licensure barriers by constructing profession-specific compacts. Among other anticipated benefits, these compacts aim to make it easier for licensed individuals to work across state lines—temporarily or after a permanent move. However, a compact can take many years to coordinate across participating states, has limited scope and may result in states agreeing to higher levels of requirements than some policymakers would prefer.

ULR is designed to avoid those downsides by allowing states to set their own standards for how to acknowledge licenses from other states. In March 2019, the State of Montana enacted a ULR reform by changing one word at the beginning of the relevant state law, from “A board may issue a license to practice …” to “A board shall [emphasis added] issue a license to practice … .” The reformed law requires boards to license out-of-state applicants if their original state license requires “substantially equivalent” education and experience. Some states have implemented even stronger reforms that omit that language.

Some proponents of Montana’s reform testified in legislative committees that the bill was a critical fix for workforce issues. They gave examples of workers licensed in other states who had to pay thousands of dollars for additional educational credits or who passed up opportunities because of differences in licensing requirements across states. Other supporters emphasized that the bill “simply reflects what is currently happening” or would reduce licensing-processing times.

Overall, Montana experienced an increase in licensing from 2012, when a total of 7,429 licenses were issued, through 2022, when a total of 15,575 licenses were issued, with particularly strong growth from 2020 through 2021. Licensure by endorsement grew especially quickly, from 2,428 licenses issued in 2012 to 7,527 in 2022.